5 questions about the EU's new blueprint for Africa

BRUSSELS — When is a strategy not a strategy? Answer: When it is “Towards a comprehensive strategy.” At least, that’s how the European Commission and European External Action Service couched their latest vision for Africa, released Monday. What began as a mission to define a strategy for EU-Africa relations within the new commission’s first 100 days is now portrayed as just the first step in an ornate diplomatic dance, set to culminate in an October summit between the African Union and the EU. It is also the first test for Jutta Urpilainen, the former Finnish finance minister and now EU commissioner for international partnerships, who oversaw the document together with Josep Borrell, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy. An official briefing from Urpilainen about the new document left some unanswered questions, Devex put them to the commission to find out more. The spokesperson’s answers have been edited for length and clarity. 1. At the same time as the EU is developing a new Africa strategy, it is also negotiating a new post-Cotonou agreement with the African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States — something that is hardly mentioned in the document. How do these fit together? The strategy contains an important reference in the chapter on “Working Together,” explicitly mentioning the need for coherence between the future joint strategy with Africa on the one hand, and the Association Agreements with North African countries and the Africa protocol of Post Cotonou on the other. It also says that this coherence will be ensured via the institutional set-up, i.e. through the meetings at summit and at ministerial level between the EU and the AU, which by definition provides political steer that will also be reflected in the legal frameworks [and] Association Agreements, since it concerns the same member states. 2. The commission says the strategy is partly about being present in an area where China, India, and others are also making their presence felt. But European Investment Bank President Werner Hoyer said recently that EU procurement rules need rethinking lest EU development money keeps going to Chinese government-backed firms, who win contracts but not always on a level playing field. Is Hoyer right? Why wasn't procurement addressed in the strategy? The proposals in the joint communication set out the big picture, sketching a vision showing how the EU and Africa can partner to address five overarching global trends. This will now be the basis of discussion with our African partners, in which the precise details and more operational follow up of future cooperation will be elaborated further. This [issue with procurement] is not a matter to be addressed in EU proposals for a strategy with partners, but something that has to do with EU rules and therefore to be settled by the EU on its own. 3. Economic partnership agreements have been among the most criticized aspects of EU-Africa relations to date, and yet in the document, you say you want to "deepen" these. What lessons have you learned on EPAs and how will these be improved in future? The EU remains committed to closer economic integration in Africa, and EPAs continue to help this cause. While the EU cannot "impose" regional integration in Africa, EPA negotiations have already boosted regional capacity, thus promoting regional approaches to matters beyond EPAs. The economic partnership agreements and free trade agreements contribute to the African Continental Free Trade Area and the long-term perspective of a continent-to-continent free trade agreement. The EPAs already contain useful trade tools for building the ACFTA, and contribute to a solid framework and incentives for trade and investment, thus augmenting African countries' technical and trading capacities. In the meantime, EPAs provide duty-free and quota-free access to the EU market also for non-least-developed countries. And once the ACFTA is being implemented, we have the proposal on the table to negotiate a free trade agreement between the EU and ACFTA. 4. Is it realistic to expect Africa to face its 21st-century challenges without increasing its reliance on fossil fuels? What is the green energy initiative the strategy talks about launching? The climate crisis is a global challenge, which both Europe and Africa face. Navigating the transition to a greener, more sustainable future is not only a concern for Europe but also vital for Africa. Moreover, with its huge renewable energy potential, promoting green energy in Africa will not only help to tackle the climate crisis but also serve to drive economic growth. The communication proposes that the EU should partner with Africa on green finance, on sustainable energy and energy efficiency through the launch of a “green energy” initiative, building on the recommendations of the High Level Platform for Sustainable Energy Investments in Africa. This was one of the four joint task forces established under the Africa-Europe Alliance for Sustainable Investment and Jobs, which were set up to produce reports and recommendations which will inform future policies. There is a joint interest in increasing as much as possible the share of renewables in Africa. Making sure that Africa embraces the highest possible portion of renewables in its energy mix obviously will require support. 5. The paper states that the European Fund for Sustainable Development should be rolled out as of 2021. That's four years after it "launched." What proof do you have that these budget guarantees are the best way to encourage private sector investment in Africa? Encouraging sustainable private sector investment is vital to create the growth and jobs that Africa needs. The European External Investment Plan, of which the guarantees are just one part, is already contributing towards this goal. In terms of the guarantees, the EU has already allocated all €1.54 billion ($1.7 billion) available through the plan — financing 28 [guarantees] in all. This should bring in €17.5 billion in overall investment. The EU has so far signed agreements with partner institutions to put seven of these guarantees into practice. More signatures will follow in the first half of 2020. Negotiating these agreements requires a certain amount of time. The guarantees are a new way of financing development, and they involve complex financial tools. It is important to get the agreements right so that partners are clear about what they are expected to deliver with EU taxpayers’ money.