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    • Inclusive development

    Opinion: We must recognize links between corruption and discrimination

    The interplay between corruption and discrimination is both overlooked and shocking. Amid the United Nations' High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, here are three steps to tackle this missing piece.

    By Matt Jenkins, Theo Van der Merwe // 12 July 2021
    A gay man in Russia arrives for a date and finds police lying in wait to demand a bribe. A young woman at a public medical school in Madagascar is asked by her supervisor to stay late after class, and he makes clear that if she hopes to get a fair assessment of her coursework, she must have sex with him. These two very different cases of corruption have something important in common. In Russia, a number of laws that discriminate against gay and transgender people have created a climate of fear and led to judicial sanctioning of discrimination against LGBTQ people. In Malagasy society, a history of gender-based discrimination means that women typically have less money and less power, and they may be shamed or attacked for speaking out. Both individuals were targeted for extortion because they already face discrimination, making them more exposed to corruption and less likely to be able to effectively challenge it. For too long, organizations working to end corruption and those working to end discrimination have pursued their goals separately. Only by seeing the two phenomena as linked — and designing innovative ways to tackle them as such — can we hope to leave no one behind. It’s a lesson that has major consequences for all of us working toward a more just and equitable world, starting with the United Nations’ High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development that is currently underway. For many years, Transparency International and the Equal Rights Trust worked with courageous equality defenders, anti-corruption activists, and whistleblowers. But we largely overlooked the deep-seated links between our causes. If discrimination and corruption are not to derail the commitment that development leave no one behind, it is essential that these voices [of affected people] are heard. --— When we did turn our attention to these dynamics in a yearlong “listening project” with grassroots organizations around the world, we uncovered a picture of a global phenomenon we now call “discriminatory corruption” — the corrupt abuse of power that discriminates against people on the basis of age, disability, race, ethnicity, religion, belief, gender, sex, sexual orientation, and other characteristics. This relationship between corruption and discrimination expresses itself in several ways. As the example from Russia shows, where discrimination leads, corruption often follows. Women, girls, LGBTQ people, people with disabilities, religious minorities, Black people, Indigenous communities, and others facing racial or ethnic discrimination are all more exposed to corrupt demands because of the exclusion or stigma they already experience. Discrimination enables and encourages corruption; dishonest officials are less likely to be held to account when they prey on people already facing discrimination. Moreover, certain forms of corruption are, in fact, inherently discriminatory because they target specific groups, such as “sextortion” of women. So, how should we respond? First, governments must recognize the links between discrimination and corruption and take concrete measures to tackle them jointly. This means introducing — and enforcing — effective anti-discrimination and anti-corruption laws, accompanied by sensitive national policies that address how corruption and discrimination feed off one another. One tangible measure that states can take immediately is to develop inclusive, safe, and confidential reporting mechanisms that are sensitive to the specific needs of groups and individuals at risk of discrimination. Governments should also consult with marginalized groups to learn from the particular experiences of corruption encountered by these communities. Secondly, at the international and regional levels, there could be significant benefits to conducting knowledge-sharing and reciprocal training between anti-corruption and anti-discrimination bodies, such as the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. Another measure could be establishing a special rapporteur focusing on discriminatory corruption under the U.N. Human Rights Council. Lastly, while states are the ultimate duty-bearers under international law, civil society can — and should — play an important role. We encourage those from the anti-corruption and anti-discrimination sectors to share experiences and provide one another with training, to build a fuller picture of the relationship between discrimination and corruption, and to help develop appropriate responses. This could include partnering with ombudspersons’ offices, national human rights institutions, and community-based organizations that represent groups at risk of discrimination and supporting them to audit the accessibility of existing reporting channels for corruption. Such partnerships could also be used to offer an alternative, external channel to lodge complaints about corruption and discrimination that do not rely on the impartiality and probity of state institutions and that may not be trusted by groups at risk of discrimination. The High-Level Political Forum offers a unique opportunity to strengthen existing relationships between anti-discrimination and anti-corruption campaigners. It is particularly encouraging to witness the momentum at this year’s HLPF to engage affected and at-risk communities and to maximize the use of citizen-generated data. To the best of our knowledge, our project is the first investigation of the causal dynamics between these two phenomena. It is, however, only a first step. The case studies we included, ranging from Indigenous peoples in Guatemala to religious communities in Uzbekistan, have helped begin a vital conversation but have also clearly pointed to the need for more systematic research on the topic. What this study demonstrates, in our view, is that we must start by listening to those exposed to discrimination as they share their experiences of corruption and propose solutions. If discrimination and corruption are not to derail the commitment that development leave no one behind, it is essential that these voices are heard.

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    A gay man in Russia arrives for a date and finds police lying in wait to demand a bribe. A young woman at a public medical school in Madagascar is asked by her supervisor to stay late after class, and he makes clear that if she hopes to get a fair assessment of her coursework, she must have sex with him.

    These two very different cases of corruption have something important in common. In Russia, a number of laws that discriminate against gay and transgender people have created a climate of fear and led to judicial sanctioning of discrimination against LGBTQ people. In Malagasy society, a history of gender-based discrimination means that women typically have less money and less power, and they may be shamed or attacked for speaking out.

    Both individuals were targeted for extortion because they already face discrimination, making them more exposed to corruption and less likely to be able to effectively challenge it.

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    The views in this opinion piece do not necessarily reflect Devex's editorial views.

    About the authors

    • Matt Jenkins

      Matt Jenkins

      Matt Jenkins heads the Strengthening Accountability Networks among Civil Society project across 21 countries at Transparency International. He also heads its Anti-Corruption Helpdesk, which contributes to greater democratic accountability of public institutions around the world. He is a co-author of the report “Defying Exclusion: Stories and Insights on the Links Between Discrimination and Corruption,” published by Transparency International and the Equal Rights Trust.
    • Theo Van der Merwe

      Theo Van der Merwe

      Theo Van der Merwe focuses on anti-corruption and anti-money-laundering policy at Transparency International and previously worked with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Development Co-operation Directorate and the South African Institute of International Affairs.

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