The Trump administration has replaced the Peace Corps’ top leaders as part of a wider program of changes. Some expect those changes to focus on headquarters, while others warn country programs could be cut.
Also in today’s edition: We take you behind AGOA, the Lobito corridor, and U.S.-Africa engagement. Plus, are we losing the fight against modern slavery? And the next-gen global development pros.
+ Mark your calendar: On Thursday, Aug. 21, we’ll be speaking with Andrew Shaw, impact manager at FMO, about how the Dutch development bank is evolving its role in the ecosystem, including shifting from transaction-making to market-shaping roles and other insights from its updated 2030 strategy. Join us.
Global footprint at stake
The Trump administration has swapped out the Peace Corps’ senior leadership ahead of what it calls “organizational transformations” — changes that could reshape the agency’s global footprint.
CEO Allison Greene, Deputy CEO Cheryl Faye, and Acting Chief of Staff Julie Burns have stepped down. Stepping in: Paul Shea as CEO, Kris Besch as deputy CEO, and Karen Roberts as acting chief of staff. The agency says the shake-up is “to pave the way for a new leadership team to step in and guide the organizational transformations that will make Peace Corps stronger and more efficient in the long run.”
Exactly what’s coming isn’t clear. The Department of Government Efficiency has made multiple visits, prompting initial fears the agency could be next on the chopping block. But the White House’s $430 million funding request for the agency — the same as last year — and the House of Representatives’ slightly lower $410 million proposal suggest otherwise.
Efficiency efforts so far have focused on the agency’s Washington, D.C., headquarters, where staff were offered “deferred resignation” packages. A new HQ org chart is expected soon. Dan Baker of the National Peace Corps Association doesn’t “expect major changes overseas.”
Glenn Blumhorst, another Peace Corps veteran, sees it differently — predicting about 20 of the agency’s 60 country programs could be cut based on strategic importance, financial return, and what he called a “loyalty test” with President Donald Trump’s foreign policy. Recent closures and suspensions in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kyrgyzstan, and Cameroon — plus a pause in South Africa — hint at what could be ahead.
Still, Blumhorst sees the new leadership as a sign the administration wants the Peace Corps to survive. Shea, a 16-year veteran, brings a “financial lens” to the role, he says. “I have the utmost confidence in Peace Corps’ leadership to guide the agency through this transformation,” Blumhorst adds, “Taking a long-term perspective, I am optimistic that the Peace Corps’ core mission will remain intact.”
The agency echoes that in a comment to Senior Reporter Michael Igoe, thanking outgoing leaders and affirming it will “continue to fulfill our mission of promoting world peace and friendship on behalf of the American people.”
Read: Peace Corps shuffles leadership team for DOGE era
+ Listen: In the latest episode of our weekly podcast, Michael joins Business Editor David Ainsworth and Global Development Reporter Elissa Miolene to discuss the U.S. State Department’s $20 billion spending deadline and other top stories in global development.
Trade plans, uncertain future
The Trump administration says it’s moving to a “trade, not aid” approach with Africa. The “not aid” part is obvious — USAID has been dismantled — but the “trade” part is murkier. The Millennium Challenge Corporation has been gutted, tariffs are rising, and the African Growth and Opportunity Act, or AGOA, the U.S.’ flagship Africa trade deal, expires next month with no sign of renewal. U.S.-Africa trade is already falling, while China has swooped in with zero-tariff access for nearly every African country, cementing its role as a key trade partner.
At a recent Devex Pro briefing, Enoh Ebong, Aubrey Hruby, and Bright Simons painted a bleak picture for AGOA’s renewal, noting that most countries have struggled to build exports under it, writes reporter Ayenat Mersie. Ebong, former head of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, said, “It’s not looking good from where I sit.” Hruby, senior adviser at the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center, pointed to the continent’s small industrial base, while Simons, president of mPedigree, warned African nations are too weak individually to win exemptions from U.S. tariffs and should form smaller coalitions.
The panel also debated the Lobito corridor — a major infrastructure project linking Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo to Angola’s coast — as a possible model for future U.S.-Africa cooperation. Hruby credited its mining anchor and early project prep; Ebong, its broad coalition; and Simons saw it as proof the U.S. will use any tool when interests are clear.
Looking ahead, Hruby flagged policy developments in the U.S. that could help — a shift at the Export-Import Bank that could spur African mining deals, and discussions over a single Africawide tariff rate. But Simons stressed Africa needs its own trade policy infrastructure: “The preparatory work, the thinking, has to happen on the Africa side in order to take advantage of the moment,” he said.
Read: AGOA, the Lobito corridor, and the future of US-Africa engagement (Pro)
Further reading: Inside the United States’ new ‘trade, not aid’ strategy in Africa (Pro)
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Fighting slavery from within
In 2015, the United Nations vowed to wipe out modern slavery by 2030. Ten years on — and just five years from that deadline — the crisis is worse than ever. The number of people trapped in debt bondage, forced marriage, and other forms of exploitation has jumped from 40.3 million in 2016 to nearly 50 million today — the highest in history, or one person in every 150.
Modern slavery exists everywhere: in fields, factories, homes, mines, and marriages, writes The Freedom Fund’s Xanthe Scharff in an opinion piece for Devex. More than half of those affected are women and girls, and 3.3 million are children. Rising instability — from war to climate disasters — has made more people vulnerable, while traffickers have gone digital, using fake job ads, romantic promises, and online anonymity to recruit and control victims.
And despite laws, pledges, and crackdowns, global supply chains remain riddled with abuse. The private sector alone rakes in an estimated $236 billion a year from forced labor, a 37% jump since 2014. Too often, when abuses are exposed, companies simply cut ties, deepening poverty in already vulnerable communities.
The real solutions, advocates say, come from those closest to the problem. In Somaliland, women facing sexual abuse while working in a frankincense factory formed their own cooperative after the owner was blacklisted, creating 280 jobs with fair wages. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, former mine worker Annie Sinanduku Mwange became a mére boss — or mother boss — buying her own mine to create safer jobs for women. She inspired more than 50 others to do the same.
For those determined to end modern slavery in our lifetime, the lesson is clear: Fund and back local leaders — especially survivors — directly. It’s the fastest, most effective way to turn the tide.
Opinion: We are losing ground in the struggle against modern slavery
Reality check
For people in Europe and the United States, the old routes into global development — internships, training programs, and a year overseas — are being upended. Budget cuts have frozen hiring, AI is taking on entry-level tasks, and NGOs are prioritizing local hires in the global south.
Katherine Raphaelson of the Society for International Development, or SID, says almost all internship programs are on hold, including SID-US’s own. “Many organizations remain in crisis mode,” she says, with little focus on rebuilding talent pipelines. Craig Zelizer, founder and CEO of Peace and Collaborative Development Network, notes that big NGOs such as Mercy Corps and Catholic Relief Services have paused programs, though others such as Médecins Sans Frontières UK and the Peace Corps are still recruiting. “It’s not an adaptation we can’t handle,” says Julie Burns of the Peace Corps, who remains optimistic about the career value of on-the-ground service.
Some experts point to the private sector as an overlooked path, writes Emma Smith for Devex. “A lot of people who are interested in development work don’t naturally think about the private sector, but there are a lot of private companies doing great work,” says Georgetown professor Steven Radelet. Raphaelson agrees, calling it a source of valuable skills that can strengthen humanitarian work later.
AI could reshape entry-level roles by the late 2020s. Zelizer predicts tasks such as proposal writing and reporting will be affected but still need oversight. Ali Al Mokdad, a senior strategic humanitarian leader, expects 5%-10% of administrative jobs to disappear by 2027, with new roles demanding AI literacy and data skills.
And the “romanticism” of sending new grads from the global north abroad? A thing of the past, says Bond’s Tushar Talukdar. With many capable graduates already in low- and middle-income countries, he urges global north professionals to gain experience tackling local issues at home.
And networking will matter more than ever. “See if you can connect [students and job seekers] to organizations that are actually hiring,” Radelet says, urging seasoned professionals to mentor the next wave.
Read: How will the next generation get into the global development industry? (Career)
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In other news
In Indonesia, more than 360 people in Sragen, Central Java, fell ill from suspected food poisoning after eating meals from President Prabowo Subianto’s free school-lunch program, raising the total number of affected cases nationwide to over 1,000 since it began in January. [The Guardian]
A United Nations report reveals a 25% surge in conflict-related sexual violence in 2024, with the highest number of cases in the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Somalia, and South Sudan. [AP]
The Taliban has strongly denied allegations by a U.S. watchdog that the group forcibly diverts international aid in Afghanistan by restricting NGO operations, favoring Pashtun communities, and colluding with U.N. officials for bribes. [Reuters]
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About the author
Helen Murphy
Helen is an award-winning journalist and Senior Editor at Devex, where she edits coverage on global development in the Americas. Based in Colombia, she previously covered war, politics, financial markets, and general news for Reuters, where she headed the bureau, and for Bloomberg in Colombia and Argentina, where she witnessed the financial meltdown. She started her career in London as a reporter for Euromoney Publications before moving to Hong Kong to work for a daily newspaper.
